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Friday, May 5, 2006

Boots: On the Ground and in Space

May 5th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the New York Times

This administration is always misjudging the number of boots required: Too few boots on the ground in Iraq; too many boots on Mars.

The scientific research for the Mars program can be done much more cost effectively with robots.

Heal Insurance Cartoon

May 5th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the New Yorker Magazine

I am afraid that your May 1st (New Yorker, page 36) cartoon, "I couldn't afford health insurance, so I became a Christian Scientist," has done us all a great disservice.

I fully expect this theocratic and pharisaical administration to unroll this suggestion as a solution to the problem of the under-insured.

Hearing Loss

April 5th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the New York Times

How insensitive of Maureen Dowd (Two Worn-Out Diplomats, One Fold-Out Bed, Times, April 5th, 2006, Page A23) to chide Walter Cronkite for complaining "that women on TV talk in 'too high a register.' "
Is Ms. Dowd unaware that with age, hearing in the higher registers declines sharply?
As an aging Canadian, my hearing is perfectly good in the lower registers, but at the highest registers it is only about 60% of normal.
However, I support strongly the opportunity for women to move into any jobs they wish -- including Television Anchoring. The women in my life are an Astrophysicist, an Emergency Room Physician, and a language developer for voice recognition software.
For Cronkite and me, there is an easy technological fix: the hearing aid.

Sunday, April 30, 2006

Franklin, Blogger

April 30th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the Boston Globe

I hear that a group of school children are trying to persuade the state legislature to appoint Ben Franklin as the official State Inventor.

I think that this is inappropriate. His inventive period began after he left Boston for Philadelphia. However his career as a writer began at his brother's printing press in Boston. I suggest he be officially declared the State's First Blogger.

Friday, April 28, 2006

Republicans and Oil Proces

April 28th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the New York Times

Really these Republican Senators are flip-floppers of the first water (GOP Senators Hurry to Quell Furor over Gas, New York Times, April 28, 2006, page: A1).  For years they have been preaching the virtues of the discipline of the free market.

Now that the free market in energy has reared up and bitten them, they are singing a different tune: roll back or suspend gasoline taxes, government checks to consumers, and drilling in the miniscule oil reserves in the Arctic Refuge.

Unfortunately they do not propose repeal of the market distorting subsidies to oil companies, nor do they support better market distorting subsidies like those for the development of sustainable energy or improvements in mass transportation.

If we are to have market distortion, let us at least have the right kind of market distortion!

Thursday, April 27, 2006

 Understanding Labor Turnover: The role of Labor Stability

   (Published in Jigyasa (New Delhi), 22006)                     

Martin G. Evans

Abstract


In nearly all of the research on labor turnover there has been little or no focus on a second aspect of worker mobility: labor stability.  By labor stability we mean the proportion of workers who have remained with the organization for a given period of time (usually one year). In this paper we show how different combinations of stability and turnover can co-exist and that turnover has quite different causes and consequences depending on the labor stability of the organization or its sub-units.

A major human resource management problem faced by many organizations is that of understanding and managing labor turnover. There are two diagnostic questions that a manager needs to ask in order to develop a program of turnover control: how high is labor turnover; and what kinds of people are leaving? Most research has focused on the former question (and this paper adds a further consideration, labor stability, to the issue); the second question has only recently come under consideration (e.g., Staw, 1983; Dalton et al 19xx)

In most of the discussions of labor turnover (e.g. Mobley, Griffeth, Hand, & Meglino, (1979)) there has been little consideration about the pattern of turnover within an organization. Pfeffer (1983), with his focus on organizational demographics, has asked whether or not turnover is spread evenly across people with different lengths of tenure or whether turnover is spread evenly across all departments in the organization. This is based on some earlier work (cited in Van Der Merwe & Miller (1973) that examined survival curves in organizations (Brissenden & Frankel, 1922; Greenwood, 1919; Lane & Andrew, 1955))

One metric that helps to identify turnover in different parts of the organization or at different stages of tenure is the measure of labor stability.  Labor stability is usually defined as the proportion of workers (in a particular category or in the firm as a whole) who remain for one calendar year in the organization:                                                                                

                            # employed on both Jan 1st. and on Dec 31st.                     

        Stability = ___________________________________________ X100   

                            Average number employed during year                               

      

Similar indices could be developed for different time periods. Whether or not turnover is concentrated in a few positions or spread widely throughout the organization has quite important implications about the causes and consequences of labor turnover. Pfeffer (1983) has argued that tenure distributions may be quite important to organizations for understanding turnover. McCain, O'Reilly, & Pfeffer (1983) found that in a university setting turnover was associated with quite uneven distributions of tenure. It is likely that socialization and attachment will be equally difficult in other organizations with similar gaps in demographic continuity between organizational members. A newcomer entering the organization who is the first newcomer for five or six years (characterized by high prior labor stability) will have difficulty in identifying with her/his fellow workers and therefore have little attachment to the organization.


Combinations of stability and turnover

These examples indicate that the role of labor stability in understanding labor turnover and its causes and consequences is not trivial. Across different situations, labor stability may differ markedly: such differences are associated with quite different types of labor turnover, and require quite different managerial responses. 

There are three extreme types (1): a) high stability, low turnover; b) high stability, high turnover; c) low stability, high turnover. The fourth combination (low stability, low turnover) cannot occur, except in organizations which are expanding rapidly: in the more typical situation if turnover is low then stability, by definition, is high. The opposite is not true: high stability can be coupled with high or low turnover.

                  

Three combinations of stability and turnover

High stability, low turnover. (2) This is perhaps the most desirable condition; although some turnover is often beneficial in terms of weeding out deadwood and introducing new ideas to the organization (Staw, 1983). In this situation, only a few positions are implicated, few vacancies occur in each. In this case, there is no crisis. It is this steady state that organizations strive to achieve and of which organizational researchers strive to understand the causes. 

High stability, high turnover (3). Here most positions in the organization are filled with experienced people. Nevertheless in a few positions it is almost impossible to retain an employee. No sooner is the position filled than it is vacated; it is then refilled, but the new employee does not stay; and so the process continues. The crisis is that of socializing newcomers. The long tenure people seem committed to the organization; the newcomers are not.

This pattern of stability and turnover seems to have been ignored by both managers and researchers. They implicitly assume that there is a negative correlation between turnover and labor stability. The existence of this stability/turnover pattern would upset such a simple relationship. Clearly we should be alert to its possible occurrence. I have stated that in this condition there is an organizational crisis. Clearly this is an overstatement. A pattern of this type could be developed through a conscious organizational strategy. If the position is one in which a) highly skilled personnel are required, and b) learning time is brief, but there is c) little intrinsic interest in the work and d) little opportunity for advancement, the organization may wish to staff the organization with what a colleague once called "bright young birds of passage." Here high turnover is accepted as a cost of staffing. However, if this is not the result of a deliberate strategy, the organization has to focus on the problems of selection and socialization (see below).          

Low stability, high turnover.(4) In this condition, many positions are becoming vacant; many hires are being taken on each year. The whole organization is in a state of flux.  Turnover is spread over many positions, quite likely people at all stages of tenure will be leaving the organization.  Thus the organization is facing two crises. The first is the crisis of retaining people with experience and high tenure.  The second crisis is that of selecting, socializing and retaining new hires into the organization.

                                     

Implications

When turnover is narrowly concentrated in a few positions (and hence among those with low tenure) the problem faced by the organization in identifying those who may leave is a different problem from that faced by the organization when turnover is spread more broadly among high and low tenure employees. In the first case, the focus is on new hires. The problem is to identify the factors that increase or reduce their commitment to the organization. In the second case, the problem is more complex: the focus has to be both on new hires and on long tenure employees.

This is not the place to go into an exhaustive treatment of the factors that differentiate attraction to the organization for short and long tenure employees. Clearly such differences do exist. The basis for commitment to the organization of short tenure workers and long tenure workers is quite different. For persons with short tenure, commitment is a function of the nature of the initial decision to join the organization (Salancik, 1977; O'Reilly & Caldwell, 1981). When individuals had many choices, selected the alternative with few external pressures (high volition), and made irreversible decisions then commitment to the organization would be high. When these factors were absent (i.e. few choices, severe pressure, and a lack of irreversibility) then commitment would be low. A low level of commitment coupled with good opportunities for alternative employment would result in high levels of turnover among the recently entered group.

On the other hand, commitment by long tenure employees is based upon a whole stream of prior commitments made: the extent to which the person has developed firm-specific knowledge and skills including 'local' knowledge of the organization itself (when this is high, the decisions become irrevocable), the extent to which the person is locked in by non-portable compensation plans, and the extent to which current rewards and benefits are in line with aspirations, though this may always be high as aspirations adjust to jibe with the rewards and benefits available. 

A number of researchers have found that different factors affect turnover at different levels of job tenure. Werbel and Gould (1984) have argued that organizational commitment is unrelated to turnover at the earliest stages of tenure (less than one year). In addition, the role of job characteristics (Katz 1978), the type of need sought, (Hall and Nougaim (1968), the role of the work group (Feldman, 1976) all differ in their association with attraction at different levels of tenure in the organization. Turnover research needs to take very seriously  these different relationships.  As a start a closer integration between the socialization and turnover literatures would be appropriate.

Not all turnover is alike. Staw (1983) has alerted is to the functional aspects of turnover: opening up positions so that new people with new ideas can enter the organization. This paper points to different causes for high turnover. These different causes can be easily identified by considering the level of labor stability:

- if stability is high; problem is in socializing newcomers

- if stability is low, problem is with the commitment of existing members of the organization

          Footnotes

1The data described here are provided as illustrations of the phenomenon. They are not viewed as representative of the current state of labor turnover or stability. Nevertheless, the suggestions made for managing turnover in these different situations are sound. The organization will need to undertake its own diagnosis of its current situation to determine what the appropriate course of action should be. 

                                    References

Brissenden, P.F., & Frankel, E. (1922). Labor turnover in industry: A statistical Analysis. New York: Macmillan.

Dalton, D. R., Krackhardt, D. M., & Porter, L. W. (1981). Functional turnover:an empirical assessment. Journal of Applied Psychology, 66, 716-721.

Evans, M.G. (1963). Supervisory attitudes: A case study from the packaging industry, with an evaluation of the method used.  Unpublished M.Sc.Tech. Thesis. Department of Industrial Administration, University of Manchester Institute of Science and Technology.  

Evans, M.G. (1965) Supervisors' attitudes and departmental performance. Journal of management studies, 2, 174-190.     

Feldman, D.C. (1976). A contingency theory of socialization.  Administrative science quarterly, 21, 433-452.

Greenwood, T.F. (1919). Problems of industrial organization. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society, 82(2), 186-221.

Hall, D.T., & Nougaim, K. (1968). An examination of Maslow's need hierarchy in an organizational setting. Organizational behavior and human performance, 3, 12-35.             

Katz, R. (1978). Job longevity as a situational factor in job satisfaction. Administrative science quarterly, 23, 204-223.

Lane, K.F., & Andrew, J.E. (1955). A method of labour turnover analysis. Journal of the Royal Statistical Society. Series A (General), 118(3), 296-323.

McCain, B.E., O'Reilly, C.A., III, & Pfeffer, J. (1983). The effects of departmental demography on turnover: The case of a university. Academy of management journal, 26, 626-641.

Mobley, W.H., Griffeth, R.W., Hand, H.H., & Meglino, B.M. (1979). Review and conceptual analysis of the employee turnover process. Psychological bulletin, 86, 493-522.

Pfeffer, J., (1983). Organizational demography. In L.L. Cummings & B.M. Staw (Eds.), Research in organizational behavior Volume 5, Greenwich, Conn.: JAI Press, 299-357.

O'Reilly, C.A., & Caldwell, D.F. (1980). The commitment and job tenure of new employees: Some evidence of post-decisional justification. Administrative science quarterly, 26, 597-616.

Salancik, G.R. (1977). Commitment and the control of organizational behavior and belief. In B.M. Staw & G.R. Salancik (Eds.), New directions in organizational behavior. Chicago: St Clair Press, 1-54.

Staw, B.M. (1980). The consequences of turnover. Journal of occupational behavior, 1, 253-273. ?1983?


Rice, A. K., Hill, J.   M. M., & Trist, E.  L. (1950) The representation of labour turnover as a social process; studies in the social development of an industrial community (the Glacier Project). II. Human Relations, 3, 1950,  349-370.

Werbel, J.D., & Gould, S. (1984). A comparison of the relationship of commitment to turnover in recent hires and tenured employees. Journal of applied psychology, 69, 687-690.



 1. These extremes are not just logical constructions. They really have been observed. In my first piece of organizational research (Evans, 1963, 1965),1 I investigated turnover in a northern plant of a British paper packaging company (1700 employees).  Although turnover was associated with managerial practices (Evans, 1965), there were also some interesting demographic effects.  Turnover was in general confined to very specific groups of employees: young women with very short tenure in the organization. There were also some marked inter-departmental differences.  

Overall, the establishment studied had an annual turnover rate of 63%. At that time, in the early 1960s, unemployment in the UK hovered at about 2.5% so the probability of a leaver obtaining another job was quite high. On the other hand, in the year studied, a surprising 70% of the work force present at the end of the year had also been present at the beginning of the year. In other words, labor stability was also very high. Most positions were filled with experienced people but 30% of the positions exhibited very rapid turnover: 200% per year!


2. In the Evans (1963) study, one department exhibited this pattern: labor stability was about 87% for both male and female employees; labor turnover was about 18% which was low for this organization at this time. 


3. A second department from our early study (Evans, 1963) illustrates this situation. The labor stability of the male employees was 60%, yet labor turnover was 76%.  This meant that for each of the 40% of positions at risk during the year about two employees had to be hired to keep the department fully staffed. Similar results were found for the female employees in the department (stability 71%, turnover 80%; so that 29% of the jobs were at risk, and each had to be filled by four persons during the year).  


4. One of the departments studied (Evans, 1963) was in this position: it had a labor stability of 37% for its female work force, yet the labor turnover was 128%. This meant that for each of the 63% of positions at risk, two persons had to be hired during the year in order to keep the department fully staffed.  

The Futility of Illegal Rendition

April 27th. 2006
Sent to but not published in the New York Times

Some aspects of the US War on Terror really are counterproductive.
The use of illegal rendition ( European Inquiry Says C.I.A. Flew 1,000 Flights in Secret, New York Times, April 27, 2006) is one of the most costly and ineffective weapons in our arsenal against terrorists. It has had three major costs that, as far as we can tell, outweigh the benefits.
First America has lost the moral high ground that it once had. Friend and foe alike are now unmoved by our appeals to the preservation of human rights around the globe. Furthermore, America has turned its staunchest friends and allies into countries that are at best neutral. A large number of our allies are embarrassed by what we have done on their soil and are taking steps to ensure that such activities are prevented in the future. Finally, over the last eight months since the revelations of illegal rendition, most European countries have undertaken investigations as to how, when, and where illegal renditions took place within their borders. This has diverted skilled investigators from the important task of investigating, infiltrating, and breaking terrorist networks. We can never recover those lost person-hours.
As many commentators have argued, the way to beat terrorism is to win the hearts and minds of the populations in which terrorist cells subsist. The outrage across the world caused by American use of illegal rendition means that those cells may thrive in the future.